The Overwhelming War
by Jessica Shorland

Uganda's 21-year-old conflict is considered by some to be one of the worst neglected humanitarian crises. The Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), fighting against the Ugandan government in the north of that African nation, resorts to violence against the civilian population as a means of maintaining attention and challenging the government. There are now over 1.8 million displaced people in the region, thousands upon thousands have been killed or injured due to the insurgency, and the LRA abducts thousands of children, training them to fight and kill. The country, situated in eastern Africa just west of Kenya, is made up of the Acholi, Langi and West Nilers in the north, and the Bantu make up the majority in the south. The wide range of ethnic groups within the borders set by British rule fostered the nation's incapability of unity and peace.

After obtaining independence from British rule in 1962, Uganda experienced divisive separations due to the "divide and rule" strategy of British colonialism. This division of the north and south has created competition for power in both government and military. Economically, the British reserved the south for industry and cash crops, and the north became a source of cheap labor, and militarily, the British recruited mainly in the north for the King's African Rifles. These conditions resulted in a cleavage, making a unified independent state seemingly impossible.

The LRA, formed in 1987 by Joseph Kony, has evolved into a spiritual warlord movement and has since been fighting to discredit the rule of President Museveni and his National Resistance Movement (NRM) that excludes and alienates northern Uganda. It is a self sustaining group that has no bases in Uganda, making it less vulnerable to attack, and its efficient small groups and 'disposable' fighters make a conventional military defeat of the LRA difficult to achieve. How, then, should the situation be approached?

In this conflict, the LRA has not clearly defined its political objectives. It claims to represent the grievances of the Acholi people, yet it also targets them in its violent insurgencies. This contradiction is spurring self-destruction and creating a deep resentment that feeds the conflict which, in turn, further separates the government from the civilians. President Museveni wants to pursue a military strategy against the LRA, which could be extremely detrimental. However, as long as the conflict is ongoing, Museveni has reason to stay in power and the south remains dominant. He can keep the status quo and oppressive rule by legitimizing them with his actions against the terrorist activity of the LRA. Without the support of the Acholi, the government is unlikely to ever militarily defeat the LRA. And while the LRA does not take on an attitude beneficial to prospective peace, the Ugandan government will likely not initiate any talks. Only due to international pressure did Museveni acknowledge any possibilities for negotiations.

The United States could be very helpful in the process as a mediator, but it has declared the LRA a terrorist group, and being a mediator in the conflict may be considered becoming too involved. Bottom line, the corruption in the government must end, the LRA must stop the violence towards the Acholi people and it must stop abducting children. Trust needs to be built between the Ugandan government and the people of the north in order for a negotiation process to be foreseeable.

If these things are done, and negotiations are carried forward, the terms of the agreement should grant the north local autonomy and provide for the inclusion of all groups, creating a base for sustainable peace.

Of course, this is all in an ideal world.

It is overwhelming and sometimes depressing to analyze the conflicts of the world and come to the conclusion that it probably just won't work. The activists, the college students, the concerned; we all live in the void between what to do and how to do it. And judging by the state of the conflicts of the world now, it doesn't seem like it will end.


To contact Jessica Shorland for comments or for a list of sources, send an e-mail to jessicashorland@crossingsmagazine.org

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