Sign in a Solution
By Natalia Ospina
Since the beginning of this year, a collection of 231,000 signatures have been submitted to the French president and the Ministry of Foreign Relations, manifesting French support for Colombian President Alvaro Uribe’s efforts to meet a humanitarian agreement with the FARC (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia- Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia). The expectation of the petitioners is that all hostages, including Ingrid Betancourt, a senator and candidate of the 2002 Colombian presidential elections, will be released.
But it is very doubtful that this expectation will be met. FARC and other Colombian guerilla groups such as the ELN (Ejercito de Liberación Nacional- National Liberation Army) use kidnappings not only as one of their main sources for funding, but as a way of maintaining a tight grip over the management of Colombian citizens’ emotions and actions. Colombians know that to speak against them, get in their way, or disobey their wishes are warrants for kidnap and maybe even death.
FARC has existed since 1966. It was created in opposition to Colombia’s wealthy classes, American influence in Colombia, and the privatization of natural resources, multinational corporations and rightist violence. Within these 40 years, multiple dialogues and strategies (both compromising and forceful) have been employed in an attempt to make peace with the members of this rebel army, but none seems to have a significantly positive result. In fact, according to the Council on Foreign Affairs, FARC has grown to include 20,000 members, and has become one of the world’s richest and most powerful guerilla armies. It is, not to mention, in great part responsible for making Colombia accountable for half of all kidnappings in the world.
So what have strategies maintaining demilitarized zones, re-taking demilitarized zones, creating timetables for cease-fire discussions, involvement by the UN, border controls and air patrols, sharp international and national criticism, letters from non-governmental peace and human rights organizations and activists, and the infamous Plan Colombia done to change violent guerilla behavior? Nothing. In fact, many times, these strategies have increased antagonism. Of course the numbers presented by the American military and the Colombian government suggest that at least in the first quarter of 2006, kidnappings dropped by 50% as compared to the same period in 2005. In other words, 252 cases went down to 126 cases.
But we excite ourselves by decreased number and do not realize the audacity of this number. There have already been 126 cases in only half a year! Is this supposed to be considered “progress?” If in the forty years that FARC has been around, the Colombian government and the international community have managed to do so little, what are the signatures expected to do? Not even the tears and blood of its people has moved FARC. This petition may very well be a very significant gesture of support but it will do nothing except make a couple of headlines.
Instead of nice gestures what must be carried through is firm action: freezing international bank accounts, intense international pressure on the guerilla groups to free hostages, and intense international pressure on the Colombian government to stand up to guerilla groups. But even all these efforts would be ineffective without finding economic solutions to keep the poor from looking up to guerilla groups as defenders and from them having to grown coca leaf and thus contribute to the narco-trafficking market just to make a modest living. Efforts should be invested in impacting actions and resolutions. This, not a list of signatures will cease the 3,000 kidnappings a year in Colombia and bring back Ingrid Betancourt as well as the many other hostages who can only feel the love of their hopeful families and friends through spirit.
